Jamál Effendi and the early spread
of the Bahá’í Faith in Asia[1]

Moojan Momen

Return to Part 1

Second journey to India and travels in central Asia

From his base in the United Provinces (Uttar Pradesh), Jamál Effendi must have undertaken several trips to Sind and the Punjab. From the list of towns that Rúmí reports that he visited, we can assume that he probably travelled to Delhi, then to Jaipur, Jodhpur and Hyderabad in Sind. We can assume that he then spent some time in the Khairpur area of Sind north of Hyderabad, since we know that he managed to convert a number of people there, including the Rajah of Khairpur, Mír 'Alí Murád (d. 1894). The latter had been put into power in place of his brother after the British annexation of Sind in 1843. He had at first ruled over a large area of upper Sind, but had been stripped of much of his domain in 1856 after a British commission had enquired into his activities. We can assume that Jamál Effendi then continued north since we know he visited Lahore, Amritsar, Puneh (Punch) and Gujrat in the Punjab and even Peshawar in the north-west frontier.

Jamál Effendi also travelled into central Asia. We have few details and no reliable itinerary of this journey. The whole trip is said to have taken eighteen months. It appears that on one of his visits to the Punjab, he travelled on to Jammu and Kashmir. From this point onwards, however, there is confusion.

We have two itineraries suggested by Rúmí in two different sources. These may represent two separate journeys but this is unlikely as some episodes are common to the two accounts. In one account cited in Sulaymání from a letter of Rúmí, he states that Jamál Effendi travelled to Ladakh and then on towards Yarqand (now Shache in the Chinese province of Xinjiang). This route probably took him south-east at first skirting the Karakorum range and entering Tibet. On the boundary of Kashmir and Tibet, all of Jamál Effendi's books, tablets and luggage were lost when one of the pack animals fell down a ravine into a mountain stream. In this same area, he is said to have come across some Ismá`ílí followers of the Aga Khan. As a consequence of frost-bite which affected Jamál Effendi's feet, he was forced to remain in Yarqand for six months, probably the winter of 1888-9 or 1889-90. Jamál Effendi appears to have been dispirited by the rough reception that he received from the people of these parts. He pressed on to Badakhshan which today straddles Afghanistan and Tajikistan and further to Balkh in the north of present-day Afghanistan.[50]

Another account by Rúmí, in his manuscript history, states that having wintered in Kashmir, Jamál Effendi went, in April 1889, to Ladakh and Leh, then to Gilgit and on into the Pamir range of mountains (Badakhshan) where he met the followers of the Aga Khan. Here he experienced a severe snow-storm which resulted in frost-bite to his feet and he turned aside to Kandahar. According to this account it was on his way back from Kashmir to India that he lost all of his baggage in a mountain stream.[51]

It can be seen that in the first account it is written that Jamál Effendi experienced frost-bite to his feet and met followers of the Aga Khan between Ladakh and Yarqand, and in the second, these two events happened in the area of the Pamir mountains. Similarly, there is a story in both accounts that he wrote to 'Abdu'r-Ramán Khan, the Amir of Kabul, explaining that his feet were damaged by frost-bite and asking for permission to proceed to Kabul. The Amir replied that he was forbidden to come to Kabul and that if he came, his hands would go the way of his feet. However, in the first account, it is stated that Jamál Effendi wrote this letter from Yarqand and in the second that he wrote it from Kandahar.

Both of these accounts have problems with them. On the one hand, Rúmí's account in his manuscript history seems more credible because the Ismá`ílí followers of the Aga Khan are located in the Pamir (Badakhshan) area. On the other hand, the suggested itinerary given going from Kashmir to Ladakh, Leh and then to Gilgit seems somewhat tortuous, and it is by no means clear how Jamál Effendi would have got from the Pamirs to Kandahar without having gone through Kabul in the first place. On the other hand, it would make more sense for Jamál Effendi to write to the Amir of Kabul from Kandahar, asking for permission to travel through Kabul and the Khyber Pass into India, than it would if he were writing from Yarqand.

One source states that Jamál Effendi even reached Khuqand (Kokand in Uzbekistan) and the western confines of Turkistan.[52] All sources are agreed that Jamál Effendi found these areas inhospitable and eventually returned, remaining for a time in Ladakh where he had converted Ahmadu'd-Dín, the secretary to the British commissioner, to the Bahá'í Faith. He finally reached Srinagar in Kashmir in August-September 1889. From there he returned to India.

We have an account of Jamál Effendi's activities in his last years in India from an unusual source. We have noted previously that Jamál Effendi at times styled himself Shaykh Jamál ad-Dín and Sayyid Jamál ad-Dín. It appears that at one stage, the British authorities in India confused Jamál Effendi with Sayyid Jamál ad-Din Asadábádí, who called himself "Al-Afghani". Al-Afghani was a thorn in the side of the British, advocating the liberation of Muslim lands such as Egypt and India from British colonial rule. The confusion between the two is rendered less surprising when it is remembered that two Azali Bábís, Shaykh Amad Rúí and Mírzá Áqá Khan Kirmání, were members of al-Afghani's inner circle, and al-Afghani himself was commonly thought to be a "Bábí".[53] Thus, for example, when a follower of al-Afghani assassinated Náir ad-Dín Sháh, this was followed by vengeance being taken on two Bahá'ís, Varqá and his son Rúu'lláh.[54] There was no distinction in the minds of most people between Bábís and Bahá'ís. All were still called Bábís at this time.

It was not surprising then that the British authorities kept a close eye on Jamál Effendi and compiled some reports about him. One of these, dated 1891, is from an unnamed Indian Muslim who was a British agent and who pretended to become a Bahá'í in order to gather more information. Although it may be considered a hostile account, it does nevertheless paint a useful picture of Jamál Effendi in his final years in India, travelling about, cultivating and educating his circle of contacts and converts in the different parts of India:

In December 1892, Jamál Effendi was reported by the British authorities to have been in Bangalore from where he proceeded to Hyderabad in the Deccan.[57] It would have been in the early summer of 1892 that news of Bahá'u'lláh's passing reached India and eventually Jamál Effendi. At this time, Bombay became a centre for the activities of the partisans of Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí, with the presence there of such persons as Mírzá Husayn Kharúmí, Hají Husayn 'Alí Jahrumí, Hájí Sayyid Mírzá Afnán and Sayyid Muhammad Afnán. Eventually, 'Abdu'l-Bahá sent a number of Bahá'ís to Bombay to demonstrate the falseness of their position and guide the Bahá'ís there. To what extent Jamál Effendi was involved in these events is not certain. He was probably in Bombay for short periods of time during these years for we know that his companion, Hájí Faraju'lláh, died in Bombay in April 1894. Rúmí also mentions that Jamál Effendi made one more journey to Burma. The two leading Bahá'ís of Mandalay, 'Abdu'l-Wáid (Ko Thin) and his uncle 'Abdu's-Sattár (U Koo), had died by this time but he met others who had remained firm Bahá'ís.

The last years of Jamál Effendi's life

After Jamál Effendi had remained some months in Akka, 'Abdu'l-Bahá sent him on an important mission to Iran. Since Jamál Effendi was a member of the nobility, 'Abdu'l-Bahá wanted him to go to Qum where the former prime minister 'Alí Asghar Khan, Amín as-Sultán, was in exile and deliver to him a message. Amin as-Sultán had intervened to save a Bahá'í, Áqá Siyyid Asadu'lláh, and had sheltered him in his own office. For this Bahá'u'lláh had wanted someone to give him a message acknowledging his help and urging him to dedicate himself to the service of the Cause of God. 'Abdu'l-Bahá tells the story of that journey:

After a time Amínu's-Sultán lost the Sovereign's favor. Hated, in disgrace, he was banished to the city of Qum. Thereupon this servant dispatched Sulaymán Khan to Persia, carrying a prayer and a missive written by me. The prayer besought God's aid and bounty and succour for the fallen Minister, so that he might, from that corner of oblivion, be recalled to favour. In the letter we clearly stated: "Prepare to return to Tihran. Soon will God's help arrive; the light of grace will shine on you again; with full authority again, you will find yourself free, and Prime Minister. This is your reward for the efforts you exerted on behalf of a man who was oppressed." That letter and that prayer are today in the possession of the family of Amínu's-Sultán.

From Tihran, Sulaymán Khán journeyed to Qum, and according to his instructions went to live in a cell in the shrine of the Immaculate [Fátimih]. The relatives of Amínu's-Sultán came to visit there; Sulaymán Khán inquired after the fallen Minister and expressed the wish to meet him. When the Minister learned of this, he sent for Sulaymán Khán. Placing all his trust in God, Sulaymán Khan hastened to the Minister's house and, meeting him in private, presented the letter from 'Abdu'l-Bahá. The Minister rose, and received the letter with extreme respect. Then addressing the Khán he said: "I had given up hope. If this longing is fulfilled, I will arise to serve; I will preserve and uphold the friends of God." Then he expressed his gratitude, indebtedness and joy, and added, "Praise be to God, I hope again; I feel that by His aid, my dream will come true."

In brief, the Minister pledged himself to serve the friends, and Sulaymán Khán took his leave. The Minister then desired to give him a sum of money to defray the expenses of his journey, but Sulaymán Khán refused, and despite the Minister's insistence, would accept nothing. The Khán had not yet reached the Holy Land on his return journey when Amínu's-Sultán was recalled from exile and immediately summoned to the Premiership again. He assumed the position and functioned with full authority; and at first he did indeed support the believers, but toward the end, in the case of the Yazd martyrdoms, he was neglectful. He neither helped nor protected the sufferers in any way, nor would he listen to their repeated pleas, until all of them were put to death. Accordingly he too was dismissed, a ruined man; that flag which had flown so proudly was reversed, and that hoping heart despaired.[59]

Jamál Effendi returned to Akka and lived out the last days of his life there. He died on 9 November 1898.[60] He was buried in the Akka cemetery near the grave of Mírzá Músá, the brother of Bahá'u'lláh. 'Abdu'l-Bahá wrote a tablet of visitation[61] for him and instructed that on his grave be written the following words:

Verily, Jamál ad-Dín, a traveller famous in every clime, the spreader of the fragrance of the love of God, has now become a traveller in those realms of God which are hidden from the eyes of the people of realm of veils. 1316 AH[62]

Jamál Effendi's method of promulgating the Bahá'í Faith

Because in ancient times generally all those who promulgated the Faith of Islam in India were Persian sages, and mostly were dervish in appearance, and as the Indian Empire formerly was ruled by [the] Mogul Dynasty, therefore at the time when Jamal Effendi came to India, though it was then India under the British Government, yet the majority of the [educated] people were well acquainted with the Persian language and literatures, and as Jamal Effendi spoke a very high Persian, and travelled all over India in [a] princely manner, with two or three companions, yet with gentle behaviour of exemplary independence and virtue; therefore the people [were] attracted by his venerable appearance and eloquent discourse. It was very easy for him to interview with the chiefs of the states and the government high officials.[63]

Jamál Effendi's previous life as a wandering darvish suited him admirably for travelling through India, attracting the attention of Indian Muslims in the role of a Sufi shaykh. As he stepped off the boat in Bombay in about 1875, Jamál Effendi was the picture of a Sufi shaykh (master or walí – loosely translated as "saint"). He is described as having had a radiant and attractive face, white beard and whiskers, the Mawlavi head-gear upon his head, an ornamented scarf around his neck and prayer-beads in his hand.[64] His command of a high literary Persian would have added to his aura. From several sources, in particular Sayyid Mustafá Rúmí, we have accounts of his personal charisma, his ability to speak eloquently and in a manner able to charm and attract his audience.[65]

We do not have a precise description of the teaching methods of Jamál Effendi but we can put together a picture from the evidence to hand. Among the pieces of evidence that we have are the following:

1.  Jamál Effendi's appearance: we know that Jamál Effendi dressed in the attire of a Muslim holy man, more specifically that of a Sufi shaykh of the Mawlaví Sufi order (the Mawlaví or Mevlevi Order of Sufís follow the very influential Iranian mystic of the 13th century, Jalálu'd-Dín Rúmí). In a traditional society such as that of Muslim India, a person's appearance classifies that person: you are as you appear. Thus, if Jamál Effendi appeared as a Sufi shaykh, then he was a Sufi shaykh to everyone around him.

2.  Jamál Effendi's name: Jamál Effendi was known by such names as Jamálu'd-Dín Sháh[66] or Darvísh Jamalu'd-Dín Bábí.[67] The designation "Sháh" is a title typically taken by Sufi shaykhs.

3.  Events in Mandalay: 'Azízu'lláh Sulaymání records the following information on the authority of Mafúal-aqq 'Ilmí, one of the prominent Bahá'ís of India, who in turn learned this from Khalífa Muhammad Yúnis of Mandalay. In the town of Mandalay alone, Jamál Effendi had made some six thousand people followers of Bahá'u'lláh. In accordance with the exigencies of prudence (hikmat), however, he had not told them that this meant a new religious dispensation (a new Sharí`ah). They were under the impression that they were still under the Islamic dispensation. In the time of 'Abdu'l-Bahá, Mírzá Malram came to Mandalay and endeavoured to guide them to the fact that a new religious dispensation had arisen. Some four thousand of these persons were extremely dismayed and turned upon Mírzá Malram and attacked him – he was only saved by the speedy arrival of the British police. Some two thousand, however, remained Bahá'ís.[68]

4.  Mírzá Mahmúd Zarqání's account: The following account of Jamál Effendi needs to be treated with some caution. It is written by Mírzá Mahmúd Zarqání who appears to have had some degree of animus against Jamál Effendi – this can only be described as a hostile account. The present author is unaware of any cause for this although it may be that its writer experienced the same sort of events that befell Mírzá Malram as described in 3 above:

The first messenger to carry the Bahai Revelation to India was an old Persian named Suleyman Khan who was known among the friends as Jamal Effendi, in order to distinguish him from Suleyman Khan the Martyr. About 40 years ago, he visited Baha'u'lláh at Acca, and received permission to make a tour in India. His intention was not to go as a Bahai teacher, but Baha'u'lláh told him he ought to take the opportunity of spreading the teachings. He visited the principal cities of India and Burma and made the acquaintance of many of the nobles and distinguished men. He went in the character of a Dervish leader (Sufi), and when he found that people were attracted, he would read to them some of the Tablets, such as Hidden Words. He printed and published Seven Valleys as if he himself were the author. Little by little he introduced more of the teachings, telling some of his most intimate friends that they should repeat the name: 'Allah'o'Abha,' and finally showing them the book of Ighan. Occasionally, he spoke about one higher than himself, whose representative he was, but he made no specific mention of Baha'u'lláh, and it was usually supposed among his followers that he was himself the head of the cult he represented.

After spending some five years in India, he returned to the Holy Land. Baha'u'lláh reproved him for having published Seven Valleys in his own name, but the work he had done was followed up by others and turned to good account. Most of his teaching had been in the towns of Mandalay and Rangoon. In the latter city there lived a Bahai from Shiraz named Seyed Mehdi, who after the departure of Jamal Effendi, began to teach the Cause publicly. He was joined by one of the friends of Jamal Effendi named Seyed Mostafa, who is still an active teacher.[69]

Zarqání's accusation that Jamál Effendi hid the name of Bahá'u'lláh entirely in his discourse and let people think that he was the leader of the movement that he was preaching is discounted by the evidence of the British secret papers. In the British account, Jamál Effendi is portrayed as clearly informing the inner circle of those who gathered around him that their true allegiance was to Bahá'u'lláh. Indeed the extent of Jamál Effendi's sharing of orthodox Bahá'í teachings in relation to Bahá'u'lláh to his inner circle can be seen from the presence in this account of terms very familiar to Bahá'ís who know Persian and Arabic; such terms as "Jamál-i-Mubárak" (the Blessed Perfection, as a designation for Bahá'u'lláh) and "Ar-i-Maqúd" (land of the heart's desire, for Akka).

Zarqání's accusation that Jamál Effendi published The Seven Valleys in his own name is, however, probably true since it can be found in other places. Fádil Mázandarání gives a statement by 'Azízu'lláh Jazzáb that he heard Bahá'u'lláh state that Jamál had taken The Seven Valleys and added a page of his own at the beginning and published this as his own work.[70]

Thus, from the various pieces of information that we have, we can build up a picture of Jamál Effendi's method of proselytisation. When he arrived at a city, it was his custom to approach its ruler or major official. He often had a letter of introduction to them. He would either write to them or call upon them. He would talk to them on general religious themes. Sufi holy men were regarded as possessing the ability to cure disease. Jamál Effendi appears to have obtained some rudiments of medical knowledge and to have put them to good use. The combination of the appearance of a Sufi holy man and medical skills produced in many places a favourable impression that then attracted crowds to hear his discourse.

Apart from the baraka (blessings) bestowed by merely being in his presence, part of the attractiveness of the Sufi shaykh is the implication that he will teach his pupils a secret path, esoteric knowledge that is not available through the mere reading of books. We may surmise that Jamál Effendi attracted large numbers of people by holding forth on the usual Sufi themes. He probably then introduced some of the mystical writings of Bahá'u'lláh such as The Seven Valleys, which he had had published in India. It is evident that Jamál Effendi was able to inspire in many people a love for the writings of Bahá'u'lláh.

It seems that, following the efforts of Jamál Effendi, many people considered themselves followers of Bahá'u'lláh but only in the same sort of way as others might consider themselves followers of a Sufi shaykh. Bahá'u'lláh had thus the status of the qub (pole, axis), the supreme leader of a Sufi order, while Jamál Effendi was his local or regional agent or representative, authorised by the qub to deliver his teachings. To these people Jamál Effendi taught the greeting "Alláhu Abhá" as well as giving them copies of Bahá'u'lláh's The Seven Valleys.

To a much smaller inner circle, Jamál Effendi then revealed the true extent of the revolution brought about by Bahá'u'lláh, the inauguration of a new religious dispensation. To these he gave copies of the Kitáb-i-Íqán (which was published by the Náirí Press in Bombay) and mentioned them in letters to Bahá'u'lláh so that they received tablets from Bahá'u'lláh. We cannot know what proportion of his circle of admirers was brought into Jamál Effendi's confidence in this manner, since of course many would have rejected the teachings, while others would have subsequently been lost to the community because there was probably insufficient follow-up of Jamál Effendi's work after he left the sub-continent. We know however that several of those whom he introduced to the Bahá'í Faith later became important individuals in the history of the Bahá'í Faith in the Indian sub-continent. Among those whom we know were introduced to the full teachings of the Bahá'í Faith by Jamál Effendi are: Sayyid Mustafá Rúmí (converted in Madras, accompanied Jamál Effendi in his later journeys, settled in Burma, named Hand of the Cause by Shoghi Effendi), Rafí`u'd-Dín Khan (of Hasanpur), and Hájí Ramaán (of Rampur), Sayyid Mahdí Shirazi, Dr Khabíru'd-Dín and many others in Rangoon. We also read in the above account of some two thousand persons in Mandalay. In assessing these accounts, it would appear that Jamál Effendi's greatest success in bringing people to the Bahá'í Faith were in Burma (Rangoon and Mandalay) and in the area of the United Provinces (Uttar Pradesh) to the east of Delhi (in towns such as Rampur, Moradabad, Fatehgarh and Farrukhabad). While it has not been possible to establish a firm ongoing link between Jamál Effendi's converts in the Rampur area and the later Bahá'í community, there is no doubt about the existence of such a link in Burma.

The results of Jamál Effendi's labours in south-east Asia await further investigations but there are as yet unconfirmed reports that remnants of Jamál Effendi's teaching on Celebes Island can be found in the religious milieu of that area and found their way into the political system of Indonesia in the form of the concept of mufakat, or "consensus," arrived at on the basis of extensive consultations (musyawarah) aimed at reaching unanimous agreement. Decisions are seldom arbitrary or made by one person but are the result of extensive discussions. This is the traditional approach to all problems. Similarly the results of his efforts in central Asia cannot at present be adequately assessed. There is, for example, a Sufi order in Gansu Province in central China. It is called Lingming Tang (the Hall of the Mind or Soul Enlightenment) and is a suborder of the Khúfiyyah which is a main division of the Naqshbandiyyah in China. The oral tradition of this group states that its doctrines are based on what a Bábí who came from the central Islamic world to China at some time in the nineteenth century taught to the founder of the order Ma Lingming (1853-1925).[71] Whether this is a remnant of the work of Jamál Effendi or not remains to be determined.

Zarqání and others have accused Jamál Effendi of being a charlatan, of not really teaching the Bahá'í Faith, or of having journeyed from place to place accepting luxurious hospitality and being of very little benefit to the Bahá'í Faith. While there is a certain amount of truth in this (in view of his publication of The Seven Valleys in his own name), it is evident that he was operating in an environment where any direct and open teaching of the Bahá'í Faith would have evoked violent opposition. Thus the approach that Jamál Effendi took, that of using indirect public methods to identify those who might be inclined to hear about the Bahá'í Faith and then teaching these in private, would appear to have been appropriate to the situation and in line with Bahá'u'lláh's oft-repeated advice to exercise prudence and wisdom in promulgating his religion.[72]

1. The slow introduction of the concepts of the Bahá'í Faith. Both Kheiralla and Jamál Effendi took a very gradualist approach towards revealing to their audiences the basis facts of the Bahá'í Faith. Kheiralla had a series of public lectures during the first ten of which he said almost nothing about the Bahá'í Faith, but rather dwelt on Biblical prophecy and general spiritual teachings.[74] Jamál Effendi similarly appear to have taught initially on general Sufi themes only gradually introducing some of Bahá'u'lláh's more mystical and spiritual writings.
2. A secret teaching. At the end of the series of Kheiralla's lectures, which usually consisted of twelve or thirteen lectures, people were invited to accept the "Greatest Name" and only then, if they went through this stage, were they invited to a further series of private lectures at which they learned of the teachings of the religion. Similarly, Jamál Effendi chose from among those who attended his orations a small circle of people to whom he revealed the full message at private sessions.
3. Use of popular religiosity. Both Jamál Effendi and Kheiralla appear to have owed their success to a large extent to their ability to blend elements of popular religiosity into their presentation of the Bahá'í Faith. Kheiralla was able to blend elements from various apocalyptic themes that had been present in north American society since the early 19th century, as well as certain themes from the "cultic milieu". Jamál Effendi was able to tap into the Sufi element of popular religiosity in Muslim India. Both used a combination of approaching the Bahá'í teachings through popular religious themes and utilising popular means of communicating these teachings. They were successful, perhaps more successful than any subsequent Bahá'í teachers have been, at presenting the Bahá'í Faith in terms of popular religiosity.

If we examine other occasions in which there has been relatively greater success in converting large numbers of people to the Bahá'í Faith, then we can see that this theme of adapting the Bahá'í Faith to popular religiosity recurs. It was not until the 1960s and 1970s that there was again the same level of mass teaching of the Bahá'í Faith in India that there had been in the time of Jamál Effendi. But at this time it was Hindus rather than Muslims who were converted in large numbers. Once again the combination of adapting the Bahá'í message to popular religiosity and using a medium familiar in popular religion played a part in the success of this campaign. At this time, the Bahá'í message was adapted to Hinduism by such means as avoiding the Islamic elements in the Bahá'í Faith and identifying Bahá'u'lláh with the Kalki avatar. Traditional and popular Indian methods of communication were also used such as the composition of bhajans, a popular religious song form.[75] At about the same time, there was an upsurge in conversions in the west. One of the main groups that became Bahá'ís were young people. Once again, the success was achieved when Bahá'ís led people to the Bahá'í teachings through the popular issues of the time and also used popular music and theatre as the means of communicating the message.

It may also be instructive to compare Jamál Effendi's methods of proclaiming the Bahá'í Faith to those of Martha Root. His bold approach to rulers and high government officials, his writing to them before his arrival in their city or calling upon them immediately after arrival, his use of high level contacts in one place to provide introductions in another, and his presentation of books to those that he called upon all resemble the methods used by Martha Root many years later.[76]

In summary, then, although ideas about the success of the efforts of Jamál Effendi may have been exaggerated in certain accounts, he did nevertheless succeed in establishing small groups of Bahá'ís across a very wide area of the Indian sub-continent as well as proclaiming the Bahá'í Faith across a still wider area including central and south-east Asia. He was the first person to teach the Bahá'í Faith in these countries, whose combined populations represent more than half of the population of the world. He was the first to teach the Bahá'í Faith in India (where reside the largest number of Hindus in the world), in China ( the population of which includes the largest number of Buddhists in the world) and Indonesia (the largest Muslim country in the world). He operated, however, in a potentially dangerous environment and it was therefore necessary for him to use a gradual method of introducing people to the Bahá'í Faith. His success in initiating the Bahá'í community in Burma, and to a lesser extent in India, may usefully be compared to that of Kheiralla in north America, while his success in proclaiming the Bahá'í Faith to a wide assortment of rulers and prominent figures throughout India and in central and south-east Asia may be compared with the efforts of Martha Root in other parts of the world some fifty years later.

Countries visited by Jamál Effendi

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